The contentious reign of Prime Minister Peter O’Neill ended on 30 May 2019 with the election of James Marape as Papua New Guinea’s (PNG) new Prime Minister. Since his elevation to Prime Minister in 2011, O’Neill proved an effective tactician, overcoming numerous attempts to unseat him through the parliament, in courts, and on the streets through protests. While O’Neill deserves credit for significant infrastructure developments and hosting of international events that arguably brought prestige to PNG, his legacy, like many of his predecessors, is shrouded in controversy.
The election of Prime Minister James Marape occurred amidst a political climate clouded by concern that the nation would continue on a negative trajectory. In response to the country’s difficult circumstances, Marape’s appointment demanded three tasks of him. First, to stabilise a divided government; second, to establish himself as a transparent and approachable national leader, including reassuring citizens of a break with the practices of the O’Neill government; third, to set a new direction for the country.
Marape achieved the first task – stabilisation – by forming a highly inclusive ministerial team. The ministerial team is composed of outspoken MPs from the Opposition, as well as representatives from almost all the political parties, including that of Peter O’Neill.
As for the second task of establishing himself as a transparent and approachable leader, Marape, to date, has applied a number of different strategies. One significant undertaking was to promptly invite the Ombudsman Commission to table the report into the UBS Loan that implicated both Peter O’Neill and Marape himself, in Parliament. The O’Neill government suppressed the report. Marape, on the other hand, welcomed the report and has even promised to resign if the forthcoming independent Commission of Inquiry (COI) finds him to have acted illegally. Some felt the Ombudsman Commission’s report was adequate and have questioned the need for a COI. However, the report focuses on the conduct of public officials. Marape has deemed a COI necessary to expand on the findings in the report to include other parties involved, such as overseas banks and private entities.
Another significant way Marape has distinguished himself from his predecessors is the way in which he engages with citizens – both rural and urban. Unlike the previous government which propagated a lot of its communication through print media backed by crafty Australian media advisors, Marape communicates through his personal Facebook account in a raw, yet genuine and simple format. He provides opportunities for people, even in villages with mobile phone connectivity, to interact with the Prime Minister of the country.
In setting a new direction for the country, Marape has embraced the motto ‘Take Back PNG’ – a motto first coined by Governor Gary Juffa of Oro Province – pledging to make PNG ‘the richest black nation’. At first glance, these slogans appear controversial, extremely audacious and almost impossible. In response to critics, Prime Minister Marape indicated that the underlying mission of his government is to take PNG back from the various forces that have undermined the country’s potential and have disrupted its progress. Marape’s ideology to ‘Take Back PNG’ is therefore a call for PNG to undergo a social, economic and political self-assessment, reforming people’s self-esteem and attitudes, institutional cultures, and governmental operations.
Marape is not alone in envisioning such a direction for PNG. The founding fathers of the PNG Constitution, the Constitutional Planning Committee (CPC), in their quest to depart from the grip of colonialism, had a similar view when drafting the country’s Constitution (1972-74). Etched into the opening pages of the Constitution are the National Goals and Directive Principles that urge the government to drive their own development. The CPC entrusted governments to operate in a manner that promotes the people’s wellbeing, autonomy and full participation, and to ensure the country is self-reliant and free from “dependence upon or influence by any country, investor, lender or donor”. It further insisted that the country deal with natural resources in an equitable and sustainable manner.
These founding intentions are reflected in Marape’s conception of ‘Take Back PNG’ with a focus on increasing the productivity and oversight of government institutions, and reviewing laws in the resource sector in order to maximise gains for the people and to see PNG transformed into ‘a food basket of the Asia-Pacific region’, moving away from its current over-reliance on the unsustainable mining and petroleum sectors.
Marape’s vision has been unsettling for some, especially those who are used to dealing with complacent Papua New Guinean bureaucrats and political elites. For others who have preconceived notions of the country and its leaders, Marape’s vision may appear idealistic.
A key reason for Marape’s visit to Australia was to respond to these doubts and clarify any concerns Australia may have with his vision. He did that consistently throughout his six-day tour. Australia is the largest aid donor and investor in PNG, and it was important for Marape to gain Australia’s appreciation, support and understanding for his vision early on. For Australia, the onus now is to support a visionary leader in Marape without precondition, including negotiations regarding the Manus Island refugee centre and dragging PNG into Australia’s concern for China’s interest in the Pacific.
The dust of political uncertainty is starting to settle. With O’Neill on the sidelines and Marape boldly projecting his vision for the country, the people of PNG are ‘believing’ again – believing in their capability to contribute to the country, believing that their government has their best interest at heart, and believing that those who have wronged them will be brought to justice.
For Marape, having people believing in his vision is an important first step. The expectation now is to see some bold action, especially on the issues created by the previous government and against those responsible. Some pressing issues to consider include the downturn in the economy, the need to boost anti-corruption efforts and the need to review the laws and procedures governing the extraction of natural resources.
At the regional and international level, Marape will be assessed for his leadership on climate change and for his approach to closing the Manus Island refugee centre. Early signs from Marape suggest that these two issues will be looked at from a moral standpoint – a welcome sign for many in the region.
Marape has less than three years to go before the next general election, which may limit his ability to make substantial progress in realising his vision. More pressingly, Marape has until November 2020 before his leadership is open to challenge under the vote of no confidence scheme. These circumstances may require Marape to be strategic, however, they are not limitations to his vision.
The founding fathers of the PNG Constitution counseled in their 1974 CPC Report that “[w]e leaders and people must know where we want to go before we can decide how we should get there”. It was a call for a bold vision for the country and to work hard towards it. Marape’s vision appears to firmly resonate with the wishes of the country’s founding fathers. The challenge going forward is for the government to make prudent decisions and for the people, and those who have an interest in the country, to contribute meaningfully towards achieving Marape’s audacious vision for PNG.
Helloe, I am but merely a student at the University of Technology and I have on opinion of PMJM reign. I am writing an essay on the topic,Take back PNG. There’s a lot I do not know yet about our history from colonial days to present, but I know I do not like where we are going at present. The country right now needs good and transparent leadership, that is the only way, we can take back PNG.
Take Dubai, for example, it is now one of the richest countries in the world, they do not have various natural resources like PNG but only oil and because of good leadership, they are where they are now. We have made grave and bad decisions in the past, our leaders have and we the people are facing problems of inflation, poverty, gender-inequality and poor service delivery. We are spending money on luxurious and short term activities such as hosting national events and sports. Why don’t we focus on the elephant in the room, why don’t we focus on reducing poverty level, increase employment opportunities and reduce the current inflation situation.
The country is at a very critical stage, where we are bound to hit rock bottom, if nothing is done. I am not sure if my opinion made sense but please get back to me with your opinion on my piece.
Thank you Dr Bal Kama.
Take back PNG, especially is synonymous to a national voice of economic freedom but has not political cohesion.
Many sees it from religious perspective-even mentioned by PMJM himself.
But the translation of his rethoric take back PNG still fall short to creating opportunities that will harness indigenous participation for economic freedom.
The recent SME loan arrangement was Iscariotic in nature-right policy decision underpinned by wrong intention.
A nice piece on the current political discourse. It is my view that the imminent issue at hand is how to have the public machinery effectively buy into this vision as much as the rest of the citizens of PNG should. Articulating this political ideology into practical terms needs the administrative chief executives and public managers nothing less than innovation, drive and desire to see improved functions that deliver real time service. It’s now or never because the public service remains a stagnant party to many good political intentions and ambitions. Time and history has repetitively shown us. Ordinary Papua New Guineans have suffered enough from their lack of loyalty and duty of service from national to subnational in delivering effective services. Take Back PNG starts there as much as it starts with me for the greater good.
Very interesting analysis of the two prime ministers.
The mere fact of having a vision like this is inspiring for other Pacific island countries. It is clear and moral. People need to support the vision and not pin all their hopes to one person. It’s exciting and it’s teamwork. He finds himself in an extremely hard postion and needs support
Thanks Bal for this piece with highlights of the new PM for PNG.
While it is true in Melanesian society to give the speeches (more talks) before distributing pork in every ceremony, it is actions that speak louder in modern Melanesian society.
PMJM has made so many notable speeches when he made a break away from then PM O’Neill’s Finance Ministry, during the campaigning for a change of government and after he was elected the 8th PM for PNG.
Now we look forward to his actions to put into effect his words (speeches), however we begin to see the other side of his talks with his actions.
With the recent state visit to Australia, he made a presentation at the Lowy Institute, stating that PNG will be self reliant in the next 10 years. In the following week, the PM asked China to bail PNG out from the K27 billion debts. Would this approach to China make PNG self-reliant?
It’s now the new JM’s government running the affairs of PNG, and we have not seen much changes to key institutions of governments and agencies. Many department heads thought to be corrupt are still there – not sure if they will take back PNG. Some corrupt politicians still get ministries – not sure if they will take back PNG. Only one department has began the move towards taking back PNG, and that is the Police department with the new Minister.
Now with the much talked about UBS saga, the former Chief Justice who presided over the former PM O’Neill’s warrant of arrest case is appointed to head the COI – not sure we can expect a better outcome.
We will continue to take every word from PMJM and evaluate his actions, the Melanesian way.
Interesting piece and you were correct in stating that PMJM’s Government has only 3 years to achieve its vision of ‘take back PNG’. In these 3 years what must be done or should be on agenda now will be to strengthen institutions and review legislation (or enacting new as well). This I believe this on the governments’ decision table now.
An institution that I, for one, think strongly should take lead in driving this vision is the Parliament, the legislature. Well it was in Parliament that this vision was delivered therefore Parliament should be the driver. In another view, Parliament represents the people through their elected representatives. The people are more connected to the Parliament than the executive government or the judiciary.
Legislative strengthening is crucial. Since independence our legislature has continued to be controlled by the executive government. The control executed by the governments over the years has undermined the immediate and important role of the legislature and that is to keep the government accountable and transparent.
Therefore, the independence of the legislature should be restored and resourced first and foremost. That independence should see the legislature being serious in its business to ensure good governance and transparency. Effective parliamentary oversight through the work of parliamentary committees is the way forward.