Comments

I can't understand why PNG is not joining other Pacific countries and calling for urgent phase out of fossil fuels. New gas developments are completely incompatible with climate change obligations, regardless of which country they are in. PNG is hugely vulnerable to ocean acidification and sea level rise, storms and landslides, and temperature increases. It has no credibility calling for climate change action while developing its own gas resources.

Thank you to DevPolicyBlog for the publication, and thanks also to the esteemed authors for this very important discussion. As a concerned citizen who has been advocating for PNG education policies and reforms through research while working with the PNG National Research Institute (NRI), if there is one very important thing that PNG has to “rethink,” “reimagine,” “review,” or “decolonize,” it is the education system, particularly its curriculum. Culture and all other learning aspects should be part of the system reform (with curriculum reform first). With this, I feel the title is not good enough as far as the central need, which is system reform, is concerned (a national curriculum review from Early Childhood Education and upwards). The second sentence of the second paragraph mentioned a “youth-based curriculum,” and this poses a question as to whether the discussion focuses on “curriculum as a national education framework,” or “curriculum as a structured learning plan,” similar to education initiatives or programs targeted at specific groups? Also, the first sentence of the third paragraph states that PNG is “importing external frameworks wholesale,” which I would strongly say is wrong and not correct. As far as I know, the only curriculum we currently have (OBE reformed to SBC) was adopted around the 1970s and carried forward after independence, and we are still using it as our national curriculum. I raised the question earlier above that this adopted curriculum has to be reviewed and decolonized to ensure it is learner-centered and embraces PNG ways, including culture while also embracing modernization. Therefore, this discussion creates confusion about which curriculum it focuses on - whether it focuses on the national education system curriculum or an education initiative/program-type curriculum targeting certain groups. To make it clear, EPF4S is not a curriculum within the national education framework but a program initiated to address some youth-related issues. Given the title, EPF4S cannot be the main part of the discussion but can be used as an example in any relevant section. From a policy-making point of view, this discussion is not sufficiently critical, and lacks a strong research-based foundation. It is really an important matter, and I would love to see more research-based and critical discussions on this topic. I would also be happy to contribute to future discussions. Thank you.

In today’s reality, the word “Strategy” has been battered around so much that it has lost its meaning. When reading this article, one could easily detect, the concept of “Strategy” has been dialled down so many notches, it’s no longer what it really meant when dissecting it from State Power perspectives. At least that’s how it was unpacked for those who ventured into Post Graduate Studies of “Strategy” and the Art therein.

Dear Mr Taabe, That is an excellent question. The simple answer is: go solar. Cuba presents an interesting case. See this article for example: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2026/feb/18/us-sanctions-power-cuts-climate-crisis-why-cuba-is-betting-on-renewables. Going solar means PV panels, but also batteries and ultimately EVs. I know Kiribati is already moving in this direction, so it would be a matter of accelerating and intensifying current efforts. Thank you for your interest, Stephen Howes

What Policies could Pacific Small Island States adopt during such crisis to curb at least the price hike that is looming?

Thank you.. 🙏 I am a gen-Y Papua New Guinean who worries about losing indigenous culture and languages where I come from 🏝 so I am so glad you shared your findings. I was brought up on English and I very rarely speak my mothertongue but I hope I can help to preserve the 3x native languages in my ancestral homelands 🙏

The analysis shows how Pacific nations are exposed to oil shocks from the Iran conflict, with fragile energy systems at risk. It’s a wake‑up call for accelerating renewable energy adoption across the region.

Just wondering if you managed to obtain your BC? I am in a similar situation, very frustrated as I need for my security clearance in Canberra. I am an Australian citizen, parents were posted to Port Moresby where I was born.

Thanks Graham, I found your analysis of the matrix structure of public governance really useful. However i completely disagree with your claim that "...if we want to hit the three interpretations of “strategicness” noted above, we should follow the red arrow upwards and leftwards". This conflates strategy with hierarchy which I think is damaging to development effectiveness. If I could reframe the argument in terms of top-down and bottom up change. Both can be strategic or tactical. Either type of change can be attempted in both cells 1 and 13. In fact in the article you say that “The dominant pattern of norms and values found in Cell 1 below will affect what happens in all cells.” But cell one will not change by decree it requires effort applied in that cell. Over focus on moving up the hierarchy means larger more complex programs, longer timeframes more entrenched and powerful stakeholders resulting in high cost and low sustainability. The result can be isomorphic mimicry, https://devpolicy.org/isomorphic-mimicry20110810/, where governments adopt the form of reform without the function because it is mandated from above. The development industries preference for moving in the direction of the arrow is driven by having identified counterparts, the prestige of strategic conversations, and a well-defined point of accountability. It is a problem masquerading as a theory of change. In my view bottom up change working at the level at which services actually reach people, which often means in remote locations, will produce change that is real, sustainable and actually measurable. This does not mean “top down” is never the right approach it just isn’t the only approach.

Thanks Graham. And one might add that understanding and hopefully engaging with the 'rules of the game' takes time (years), and a willingness to engage at the political level. More often this is beyond the three to four year governance program timeframes, or the one to three year rotations of advisers through these programs, and of officials posted to development agencies. It also highlights the need to bring on board longer term local advisers who are better equipped to engage with and make use of these informal rules and incentives.

An excellent article thankfully brought back to the surface by Mecky Jann. Justine has flagged frequently hidden but important “family” issues by no means limited to Mulitaka haus mahn/haus lain in Enga province. The same issues arise paying out plantation wages in Western Highlands Province or mining royalties in Western Province. A ripple effect of the same gender, status and authority issues occurs everywhere every day. What I see is a clash of culture and norms. The Western notion of family may bear little resemblance to the norms of folks in other places. Traditionally men and women in PNG represented distinct sub-cultures (men's and women’s business) with separate roles and authority in community the group. They still do. Within gender roles some areas of authority remain exclusively under the leadership of women. Women always were and still are the traditional care givers, early childhood educators, food producers and the societal glue that works under the radar to defuse disputes and maintain social harmony. By contrast men are orators, keepers of tribal lore, political negotiators and when necessary, the fighters. It follows that on this basis political leadership, policy development and administration for the ministries of health, education, food security and social development should at all levels be led by women. But the foreign system of representation bequeathed at independence to oversee the distribution and management of nation building assets gifted what is essentially an exclusive boys club to oversee this: the national parliament with carriage of policy and service delivery to provincial, local level and ward level. Where in all of this is the women’s equivalent structure to cater for their needs, their children, their gender roles? Attributing equivalence to men and women within a western parliamentary model has simply not worked and given customary law it never will. When I read articles of the type presented eloquently by Justine, I am compelled to reflect on how inappropriate cultural norms imposed no doubt with the best of intentions, through culturally oversight removed the authority of women in the new normal. And we see the price paid for this every day.

Very interesting and well researched article, thanks! Maybe another factor: in other French overseas territories (Martinique, Réunion, Guadeloupe), migration to the Metropole was encouraged in the 60s-70s. This created a large diaspora that makes subsequent migration easier, which the Kanaks lack. See the Wikipedia article here: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureau_pour_le_d%C3%A9veloppement_des_migrations_int%C3%A9ressant_les_d%C3%A9partements_d%27outre-mer