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Thanks Peter. Sogavare became Prime Minister in both 2014 and 2019 by marshalling the first-timer and independents into a winning coalition, and leaving the more party-centred coalition on the opposition benches. This time he had to do so again but from a position of incumbency, and to himself step aside as candidate for the PM portfolio in order to out-manoeuvre the opposition. The question is whether the former was the price of the latter. OUR Party barely existed in 2019. It had to be belatedly registered during the campaign. As that splendid Nafu Comic says, guess everyone will forget about parties again now until the next election.

I agree, also relevant is the fact that Namson Tran had stood as an independent to ensure OUR party which he had strong affiliation to had some influence over the independent group. As it turned out, except for one, Hon. Cathy Nori of Maringe Kokoda in Ysabel, the rest - 9 of them, had camped with Namson in the OUR party camp and are all now Ministers in the OUR Party led Government. Not only is this a smart move but while CARE was anticipating change to have motivated the independents, OUR party had outsmarted them and actually taken pre-emptive action to lure the decisive independent group into its camp.

My sincere thanks to the Devpolicy team for re-publishing this piece and to the authors Stephen Wright and Stefan Armbruster for allowing it to be re-published. Media freedom is very important and I am very pleased that the issue has been highlighted in an accessible manner. If any readers want some background information, I recommend a recording of a webinar discussion about media freedom in the Pacific that features experienced Pacific journalists. Recorded in December 2021, the recording is available at the following link: https://youtu.be/UjxflAT9xUg Amanda

I am a current serving ward Councilor and had collected many informations concerning LLG funds, but had never at one time my LLG access the funds. The third tier government which plays some important roles in various communities carrying the metal batches or names on chest without proper funding. Many councilors in the country were having some good names in terms of business and employments, but when entering LLG, they are becoming very poor. They do not access funds from any sources, are using their pocket money to assist their respective ward areas. The National government should seriously address consider LLG funds.

Thank you for this touching and well-crafted piece. Although I only met Hugh Davies in passing at UPNG, I have welcomed the opportunity to learn more about his life today. It is clear that he made a substantial contribution in Papua New Guinea. Thanks again for this, Amanda

Thanks for the informative update. The Home Affairs website requires that, ia, successful applicants ‘meet other visa requirements, including English language, character and health checks’. Is further info available about the English language hurdle?

Thank you, Stephen, for sharing your thoughts. For Australia this a great initiative, particularly for the Albanese Labor led Government in delivering on one of its commitments towards strengthening the Pacific family narrative by growing the Pacific diaspora. For the Pacific, this may be a limited opportunity while the Labor party leads the Australian Government and PICs agressively compete to secure this highly prized visa. Whilst we may have valid questions around visa allocations and PNG as resounding winners (for now), there is also another argument beyond the PEV as to whether countries like PNG (closest neighbour with the longest standing relationship with Australia and one of the lowest PALM numbers and diaspora) and Vanuatu (highest PALM sending country over a decade now with low diaspora), should have their own visa access pathway to Australia. Similar to New Zealand's Samoan Access Category, this would subsequently remove PNG and Vanuatu from the PEV and even the playing field so to speak for other PICs to compete for the prized visa instead of a highly PNG favoured visa for obvious and valid reasons, but still questionable if we are to maintain regional buy-in. Of course, this may take longer for Australia to consider, given this is a first of its kind permanent migration pathway that was stalled and delayed significantly just to pass the legislative bills for the PEV. A PNG Access Category is something that the PNG and Australian Government should be actively pursuing given the long and enduring relationship between the two countries which Albanese and Marape have symbolically consolidated at their inaugural address at each other’s parliaments and recently by walking the Kokoda track together. I must also add that there was bi-partisan support during PM Marape's inagural address in Canberra after signing of the Bilateral Security Agreement - which was delayed and downgraded from a treaty instigated by PNG, but still a win for both countries. It is overdue but timely for PNG and Australia to start getting serious about setting up a PNG Access Category.

I have read the comments in relation to land reform with interest. Personally, I believe the registration of customary land by government and leaseback would rather than a panacea for all evils, be an unmitigated disaster for PNG. Land is the basis of Melanesian culture. Customary land supports every nine out of ten people in PNG - probably nine and three-quarters if the truth be known. Given its importance for food production and identity, the absence of what you might call a national unifying culture and the propensity for corruption, I shudder to think what would happen if land use was placed in the hands of bureaucrats. Knowing how important land is the country would simply fracture into multiple ungovernable pieces overnight. I take the point that the existing system is not conducive to the creation investment, business and taxation as we know it. But then PNG is not a reflection of the western economic world view. And in light of what is happening globally I would say they are all the better off for it. PNG should play to its strengthens, and a version of Fiji or Hawaii is not one of them. Heaven forbid that ever becomes their fate. While it is clear that the present situation is not necessarily making the best use of land resources, I sheet that squarely back to successive governments that have demonstrated a dearth of ideas in favour of a quick buck. Again, compelling evidence that land reform made in their image would be disastrous. Instead, I can envisage a nation of small producers using their customary land to produce all manner of food and other items that are fed into a purpose-built collection and value adding sector. I offer North Fly Rubber and Niugini Fruit Company as examples. May not sound very inviting for large agribusiness to invest in. But then look again at what agribusiness has done for local people throughout the developing economies, particularly on the continent of Africa and you may have reason to reconsider that pathway as well.

This blog article provides an insightful analysis of Papua New Guinea's public service reform journey, highlighting its turbulent nature and the challenges it faces. Drawing from my experience in policy analysis and development, I've observed similar reform efforts in other countries and understand the complexities involved. The article offers valuable lessons for policymakers and stakeholders seeking to navigate reform processes in diverse socio-political contexts.

Thank you for your clarification, it is better and prior to understand in order to refrain as early as possible.

Thanks for the clear points above.

Thank you Australian Government for the PEV Visa.