Comments

Hi Diane thank you for your comment. I read your message to mum and she was wrapped. She sends her love too.

Tribal fighting is a diabolical problem that for the sake of the country must be addressed. It won’t abate until people in the highlands are presented with meaningful and viable alternatives. Principally a vibrant local economy where traditional land rights are respected. Men need income to meet cultural obligations. Women would wish for peace with good health and education services. All parties would respect a firm but fair and impartial police force. I worked in the Southern Highlands and what is now Hela province in the mid 1980s at a time when tribal clashes were largely limited to axes, bows and arrows. Mark you people still died followed by inevitable payback. Violence, always a last resort was nonetheless the mark of a man and when called for by the clan leader(s), delivered without hesitation. But as a government agriculture worker “didiman,” from a foreign country, I was free to travel around the province unhindered while local men “hausman” were weary of walking a kilometre down the road alone for fear of becoming the victim of payback or reigniting a tribal fight with a neighbour. I once drove through warring parties who upon seeing my vehicle approach, parted like the Red Sea and smiled and waved as I drove by. Within this milieu was a fairly active public service presence of well-resourced agriculture and health workers, teachers, policeman and road service crews with the whole process managed by impartial actors. I think this was a time of hope that held out the promise of a future of economic prosperity, education and health services for all, with impartial policing and relatively peaceful co-existence. Unfortunately, it was not to last. By the 90’s the major development partners had withdrawn from funding activities across the service sectors. What followed was an inexorable decline in roads and bridge maintenance, government presence and essential services as public servants seeking a better future for their families left. I believe it is important to note that this process was exacerbated by the politicisation of appointments and economic opportunities. A lack of impartiality, both real and perceived in decision making was a factor in the erosion of local goodwill and the vision of shared futures. From the mid 1990’s people increasingly returned to resolving problems in the traditional ways, with the addition of a firearms arms race to ensure parity with enemies. Today, this part of the world is characterised by few services for a population two or three times that of the 1980s. Increasing population pressure over four decades on limited arable resources and a lack of opportunity and human development have all fed into this situation. Not surprisingly clans have resorted to aligning with one or more armed camps to secure access to resources and young men from a traditional warrior culture in need of money for bride price and status have turned to fighting. Just how should government re-engage? The issue of impartiality looms large. I agree with the authors that this process must be led by local leadership, who can envision an alternative future and the process brokered by those who are trusted by all parties. And a national government that is seen to commit long term to the very substantial funding needed to create the future that people desire.

Hi Randall Thank you for the comment.

I would also just add to this point that if we subjected domestic or defence program spends to remotely similar efficiency and effectiveness standards as those applied to aid spends (let alone actually evaluating the impacts, as advocated by the Assistant Treasurer), the share would likely be far higher and there are few people out there saying we should cut a great deal Australian Government spending until we know for sure it actually works. I think its also possible to separate the issues in this thread from global norms and aspirations in ODA levels, as it is technically very feasible to increase effectiveness and efficiency with more or less funding very fast. For example, a big increase (or an instead increase in effectiveness with the current quantum) could be plugged to certain multilaterals (e.g., WB) with the absorptive capacity, or large-scale oriented outfits like the Global Fund, GiveDirectly, or any top development charity listed on GiveWell. Best,

Our mineral policy grants all mineral rights to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea leaving the ancient peoples of Papua barren and disabled. Now if the Government wanted to truly transform PNG into a Richest Black Christian Nation. Then all it requires is to empower the people through investments on Small Scale Mining Lease in all gold producing areas in PNG and get people to be engaged and involved in gold production at sub national level including districts and local level governments throughout. Now if we look at it this way, we may also ask if PNG's Gold Bill has or will have any negative effect on Small Scale Alluvial Mining Leases? The Bill will have a catastrophic impact on all indigenous small scale alluvial gold mining practices in PNG.

This is truly an inspiring story. Life is indeed tough but only the toughest stand out.

A good piece, Ms Kakarere.

Hi Stephen. I agree that the Australian aid has not suddenly dipped in quality. Instead, what we have seen is a steady and concerning fall in the quality of the aid program after almost a decade of cuts and neglect. The clear underlying priority of Australia’s new International Development Policy is to rebuild development capability in DFAT so that an effective and high-quality international development program can be delivered. This prioritisation would not have occurred unless there existed substantive concerns regarding aid effectiveness. Advocating for a larger Australian aid program should be done in a considered way which takes into account these challenges if it is resonate with policy makers and the general public. By promoting the uncontested need for more aid funding the Development Policy Centre also risks being seen as representing just another special interest group where more is always better.

Hey, Sinclair, and Miranda! You avoid as much as I think is possible the common tendency to propose, simply, the opposite of what obtains as the solution. But I don't think we'll ever identify a single doable intervention that could work (the last candidate for that was Independence). But I've long been haunted by the example of Afghanistan in the 90s. Riven by politically meaningless conflict among warlords, the country finally found a fairly effective unity and stability through a different kind of force - not the monarchy or the Communists, not foreign occupation or imitation liberal democracy, but religious fervour. The Taliban. We'll never know how that might have developed, of course, beyond the first 5 years; but we know it happened. Could - this is the haunting - could something similar arise in PNG? A kind of Christianity, naturally, motivating organisation and good-faith dedication in a "Students" movement...? Kastom, policing, and the construction of Western-modelled institutions never seem to get very far. And the churches and pastors seem far and away the most legitimate authorities, there and elsewhere in Melanesia. Not a proposed or, I think, wished-for reform, of course! Just a question.

Thanks for the comment - Yes, I agree with you.

I totally agree with you regarding Palau and FSM and so the wisdom of those deciding really needs to be questioned and particularly given that we have limited links with these countries compared to those island nations participating in the PALM scheme. I question why the Australian government needs to have agreement from the governments of those countries that it wishes to offer PEV's to their peoples. I suggest that at least one country has paternalistic governments wanting to control their people and not so interested in their aspirations that lie beyond their own shores. Also, to talk of possible brain-drains occurring from countries participating in the PALMS scheme is baseless as many PALMS workers applying for a PEV will be able to gain offers of employment from their present employers, and so this diversifies further the skill pool of applicants. Lastly, the degree of climate effects (and specifically sea-level rise) on participating countries should be a major factor in determining future proportions of allocations.

100%. You can apply from anywhere in the world, as long as you have access to the internet, meet the other criteria (age, citizenship, and birthplace) and have a passport (which you obviously do).