Comments

At some point the Pacific will wake up and some will probably shift back to Taiwan that will pick up the tab. China reaps the benefits while the Islands face the burden of repayment and long term maintenance of facilities. Neo-colonialism arrives with belt and road.

A really interesting analysis of how development assistance can be improved in PNG and broader Pacific Islands.

You're welcome. Thank you for sharing this feedback.

A great read - very cool to have been able to visit your old projects. I have been an in-line 'expat' on two separate occasions and can say it was both hugely rewarding for me to work so closely with the communities and staff I served, but also I was able to achieve mush more for the development of those institutions and countries than I ever could have done from the outside.

Looks like a great example of the value-add of relational embeddedness, Mark.

Thank you for your insightful and very constructive analysis of your experience Mark. It is a very important contribution to understanding the sustainability of benefits from development assistance and is a valuable case study I will most certainly reference in my work.

Mauri Ten Amota - thanks for your article, and perspectives. I am interested to see your use of the word 'Tungaru'. Are you able to comment and explain why the leaders decided not to use the name Tungaru when the country became independent? It would be an interesting blog topic. Incidentally, as a staff member of NZ MFAT, I went to Nikunau with President Tabai when he was making a farewell visit to the southern islands at the end of his last term as President, in 1991.

Great piece to read! The number of male and female representatives in Papua New Guinea’s Parliament has fluctuated unpredictably over the years. Since 2000, many women have contested seats nationwide, but only a small proportion have been elected. In the current parliamentary term, three women serve as representatives. In the 2027 election, the number of women contesting seats may rise or fall, yet few—or perhaps none—may be elected. The outcome will largely depend on two key factors. The first factor is the ability of sitting representatives—including the three women currently in Parliament—to deliver services and earn voters’ confidence. Their performance will strongly influence their prospects for re-election. The second factor is the alleged increase in misconduct during polling and counting. Ballot papers may be marked or manipulated by a small number of people to favour particular candidates, often men, while genuine voters are excluded. Similar interference during counting and elimination could disadvantage women candidates and redirect votes towards their male opponents. Under the LPV system, women candidates may survive elimination by gaining second- and third-preference votes. However, they remain vulnerable to the two challenges outlined above. In a male-dominated society, female candidates continue to face strong and highly competitive contests in every election, and this trend is likely to persist for the foreseeable future. This challenge is particularly evident in the Highlands region, where women candidates encounter significant barriers to electoral success. In contrast, female candidates generally experience a more favorable political environment in many coastal regions. As the evidence presented indicates, most past and current women representatives have originated from coastal areas, highlighting the relatively greater opportunities available to women candidates in those regions. In the coming 2027, the 3 female representatives will face strong battle, and the outcome is still unpredictable.

At 51, PNG continues to shy away from electing women representatives to parliament. There were strong women who believed in equal gender representation in parliament and succeeded in elections and inspired past and current women leaders. I hope PNG votes more women into parliament in the 2027 elections.

I am not in contact with many former colleagues of Brian Scoullar. I suggest that you contact Ric Caven who may be able to assist. Another possibility is to write to the editor of PNG Kundu (the journal of the PNG Association of Australia) with a letter to be published which asks for contacts. The email address for the journal is: editor@pngaa.net. Good luck with this, Mike

Thank you, Australian Government, for the opportunity given to come work and live in Australia.

Thank you, Stephen Howes and Finn Clarke, for another useful contribution to the discussion on the Pacific Engagement Visa. The quota-adjusted analysis provides an interesting perspective on relative country performance and highlights important differences in visa outcomes across participating countries That said, I think it's worth interpreting the rankings with a degree of caution. Countries with smaller quotas can achieve very high utilisation rates from a relatively small number of successful applicants, so percentages don't always tell the full story. I'd also be interested in seeing success measured beyond visa grants alone. Over time, it would be valuable to understand employment outcomes, income gains for migrants and their families, and longer-term settlement experiences in Australia. What I find most interesting is the "why" behind the numbers. Factors such as English proficiency, diaspora networks, awareness of the PEV, access to documentation, digital connectivity, employer links, and government support systems may all influence outcomes. From a Samoan perspective, some of the strong results may reflect foundations built over many years, including established communities in Australia, extensive migration experience, strong family networks, and well-developed labour mobility systems. If so, Samoa's performance may be telling us as much about these longstanding advantages as it does about the PEV itself. I look forward to seeing future research unpack the drivers behind these outcomes, as those lessons could be just as valuable as the rankings themselves.