Comments

I'm not a fan of GPI, but it seems you are presupposing the answer here. I don't think Costanza et al. doubt that many dimensions of welfare have improved over time. They just argue that the other factors outweigh those.

What is, however, required at the national level, and also at the regional level is the implementation of Laws and Bills passed on the floor of Parliament and other reforms in the existing policy making institutions and regulations to support the commitment towards, not only national and regional integration, but most importantly enhancing and empowering affected women and children from family/domestic violence and sexual abuse in PNG.

Among the political upheavals, domestic violence, sorcery and witchcraft-related killings, corruption and other societal ills are a concern constraining the development of the country. Domestic violence and abuse within the context of marriage and the family is a growing and recognised problem for women whether in the home or elsewhere, physical or psychological violence against women is something that can happen to any woman, regardless of her age, ethnicity or wealth. Violence against women is a serious, widespread problem in PNG and is a significant human rights issue. Children who are violent or engage in abusive behaviours are not simply suffering from teenage trouble or worry. Handling the situation can be difficult, especially when many risk factors can aggravate their behaviours. Conducting research in this area will provide new knowledge and educational approaches to the importance of what Atkinson (2002) termed as ‘educaring’ and ‘healing processes to help psychologically traumatised mothers and children.

Tess, I cannot agree more with your comments.

Thanks for this post Andrew, it raises some significant issues. Your commentary illustrates very clearly that legislative moves which are ostensibly about strengthening parties as a means of contributing to political stability in practice turn out to be about enhancing the power of the government at the expense f the opposition and as we have seen recently in PNG this also reduces the ability of the legislature to act as an effective check on the executive. This leaves the opposition with little room to move and we have already seen the results of that in Belden Namah resorting to the avenues that are left to him: the media and the courts. Moreover, the pre-eminence of the executive makes it even less likely that proposed legislation will receive appropriate attention on the floor of the house. Parliamentary debate has never been strong and is likely to deteriorate in both quantity and quality in circumstances such as these. OLIPPAC contained provisions relating to party regulation but it would appear they were not enforced, just as the rules intended to prevent floor-crossing were flouted without sanction during the period in which OLIPPAC operated. Setting up the apparatus for party registration with a view to reducing the number of parties and imposing discipline on those that remain could be expensive but I feel that the main stumbling block would be one of political unpopularity.

I think I'm not alone in saying that some of the recent presentations at various Devpolicy events by Ume Wainetti, Cathy Rimbau and Kamalini Lokuge about FSV in Lae have been very moving. FSV in PNG is a horrifying problem of such a huge scale, but when you hear about the determination of those working in the field on this issue there seems to be real hope for change. The CMC seems like such a practical approach to improve support for survivors and to build on the pre-existing resources and services in the community. I look forward to following its progress.

Dear Graham, Thanks for taking the time to reply. I think that had you read my piece carefully you would've noted that I certainly do NOT argue that the expansion in logging was intentional on RAMSI's part. I simply argue that RAMSI has permitted logging to expand by providing conditions conducive to this. I also argue that this expansion in logging facilitated support for RAMSI by local elites. I elaborate this issue here: Hameiri, Shahar, ‘Mitigating the Risk to Primitive Accumulation: State-Building and the Logging Boom in Solomon Islands’, Journal of Contemporary Asia 42, no. 3 (2012), pp. 406-25. Regarding the 1990s crisis, have a look at this: Hameiri, Shahar. 2007. "The trouble with RAMSI: reexamining the roots of conflict in Solomon Islands." The Contemporary Pacific 19(2):409-41. Best, Shahar

It is a truism that correlation does not necessarily imply connection. RAMSI’s 10 years may well be correlated with an expansion of logging but none with experience of the forestry sector in the Solomons would blame RAMSI for the iniquitous waste of forest resources. Quite the contrary, in fact, as Australia has a long history of offering support for the forestry sector to help blunt the sharp pains that logging induces. Some of that support was implemented but its outcomes ignored in practice. Some was not even allowed to start - blocked by politicians loathe to see restrictions placed on their Asian logger supporters. It is true, as Hameiri writes, that: “… in Solomon Islands the environmentally destructive and communally divisive practice of commercial logging on customary land has played a pivotal role from independence in bringing together otherwise flimsy political coalitions.” However it is bizarre to claim that RAMSI has “… unleashed a logging investment bonanza …” Perhaps even more surprising than the spurious claim of RAMSI responsibility for logging expansion is the author’s contention that “the violent conflict of the late 1990s had its origins in the Asian financial crisis.” No need to explain away that one. The origins of the conflict (solely internal) are well known.

The big mistake in the logging of the Solomons has been not to insist that logs should be processed in the islands. This could have been achieved by a heavy export tax on logs but not on sawn timber. This would have achieved more local employment and slowed down the cutting of the forests.

Dr Hameiri, I would like to see similar article that would accurately depict what is happening in Papua New Guinea: add major mines and fisheries and a longer time frame. As a 75 year old I will only get to see the lead up to the final state. It will take a great leader to reverse the trend downwards. Tony Flynn

When it is recognised and accepted that existing (public) health systems have finally failed and corrective measures have been ineffective, there apparently exists the only option of PPIP, unless you abdicate responsibility of healthcare by a total sell-off. PPIP, when well planned and formulated, stands a chance of providing alternative care, not necessarily for larger numbers. In regards to rising costs/investments, that has to be an accepted.

PNG health problems are 3 fold: 1. Create a good healthy community - develop the infrastructure (clean water, cheap simply clean houses, privacy for mental health and roll out health education). This lies squarely with the National government strategies for healthy country.. 2. Preventive health - treatment of lifestyle diseases and associated issues that are preventable, but the individual can choose to be treated or not (this includes HIV aids, heart disease, cigarettes and lung cancer). The media should be used to educate individuals. 3. Need for more trained medical personnel