Comments

Thanks Margaret for this research presenting data which I guess you are still developing. Though i would like to drop a lot of remarks I will just stick to the expat-nationals salary disparity in the extractive industry. The idea that the industry hires 92% Nationals and 7% Expats is a misnomer when you look at how much cash spin-off actually reaches the wider PNG households. If you take the average annualiseed wage of the nationals and expats and compare the disparity, you will come to realize that the 7% consumes 58% of the total manpower budget and the 92% nationals you boasted only receive 42% of the manpower budget in any given year. Get some more data and you will prove this. That's when you will realise that you will need to amend some of your remarks with respect to the 'benefits' the mine represents for the wider PNG Community. Not everyone benefits from the royalty pay outs.

Hi Joel This is quite an interesting topic, thanks for writing about it. I would definitely agree - "the link between scholarships and poverty reduction can be questioned" (despite thinking that scholarships are a really valuable part of the aid program). The scholarship itself and the individual it targets might not be an example of a poverty reduction activity. In my opinion, it's what the person goes on to do afterwards and the choices they make that create development outcomes. The action the person takes over the next twenty or thirty years in their career (as a result of learning on-scholarship) would foreseeably impact on poverty reduction in their home country. The scholarship can become the means for the individual to make greater contributions and add more significant value during their career/lifetime. That's one reason why effective awardee selection processes are so important. The masters/PhD program is not the catalyst for change, it's the individual that creates the change. Donors need to make sure the right people are selected for their scholarships, in order for the scholarship program to hold value. Scholarships don't necessarily need to go to the poorest of the poor, rather to individuals with great potential. The Australia Awards alumni network would be capturing some good stories of the short term impact of scholarships - it would be interesting to hear some of these. Cheers Jen

Thanks Joel for this post and I genuinely look forward to the follow-on posts. This is a topic that has been of great interest to me for many years through my own studies (evaluating scholarships worth, though probably not as well as you are), as well as being involved in the management of some aspects of the scholarships program/s. I still think there is more reimagining necessary. I do believe scholarships (in whatever form) can play an important role across an aid/trade/diplomacy spectrum. However, there is still the potential for some aspects of a scholarship program (when funded by an aid program) to resemble a full fee international student through a different marketing channel. In the context of the new Australian aid policy, renewed vigour for the of the role of the private sector, and for the concept of innovation, challenging status quo seems worthy of consideration...unless of course your subsequent posts signal status quo perfection...

Although I may be biased, having completed a Masters by research on this exact topic, I think it is incredibly important. In my experience, scholarships were viewed by aid researchers, academics and many practitioners as outside of the scope of aid, and thus not worthy of a their attention. They have in many ways fallen through the cracks between aid and diplomacy. Whether we like it or not, they are part of Australia's aid budget so any attention is warranted and I would argue, absolutely necessary.

Thanks for this post Robin, it raises some very important points at a critical time as we see how policy translates into actions on the ground. <a href="http://www.cgdev.org/blog/peterborough-sib-results-are-%E2%80%93-what-do-they-mean" rel="nofollow">This post</a> presents a summary of the results (so far) of the Peterborough Social Impact Bond, which feeds into the wider discussion on Social Impact Bonds. A key message: solving complex problems is hard and takes a long time

Ben and Rivandra, thanks for your excellent and candid analysis. Let me suggest a positive (unexpected) outcome out of all of this. The exodus of highly qualified Indonesians from DFAT may be exactly what Indonesia needs. In much of the developing world Aid agencies are the best places to work when it comes to 'policy work' (not development, since, after all, development policy is what Aid sending countries call policy in developing countries). These dissatisfied former AusAid staff may join local NGOs, the government, universities and even the private sector. (In a way one could argue that Aid Agencies had prevented them from joining these domestic organisations. By offering much higher salaries, professional international opportunities and the perks that come with working for Aid agencies, they may have undermined the capacity of local CSOs, think tanks, universities, and government.) What they have learned while at AusAid will probably come in handy for them and their new employers. Who knows, former AusAid staff working in government will be able to negotiate better deals with DFAT and other funders. They may use their networks to forge connections that bypass aid entirely (see unmediated aid suggestion <a href="http://wp.me/pYCOD-1m3" rel="nofollow">here</a>). New researchers at Indonesian think tanks will be better at accessing funding, too. This happened in Latin America. When DFID left, many of the local staff went on to lead new initiatives and work in government. Much of the impact that their work on governance, identity and social exclusion had, for instance, was due to this 'migration'. I think that this 'migration' out of Aid agencies will happen in countries like Indonesia anyway. Ad they grown and develop and their political communities offer more and more interesting opportunities policy wonks will prefer to join Parties, ministries, CSOs, universities, think tanks, consultancies, etc. It makes perfect sense. And it could be seen as an unexpected positive consequence of the AusAid/DFAT reforms.

Well 'spoken' Ben and Riv - such true words - when I have worked in Indonesia the local staff in Indonesia have proven their worth many times over. They have provided the important context and the necessary continuity - and, as you say, they are some of the best and brightest. Let's hope our Government comes to its senses before it is too late

Thank you Ben and Rivandra. The very best mentors throughout my working life have been the locally engaged AusAID staff in Sri Lanka, PNG, Fiji, Solomon Islands, and other places where I have had the privilege of having worked. Their nuanced understanding of the political economy, and the peace conflict dynamics have made my job so much richer, and easier. During the past six months I have had many conversations with locally engaged staff who are demoralised and outraged by their sudden change in circumstances. These are the people that the Australian government need in order to deliver ODA successfully, not fly by nights like myself who drop in and out of countries.

Thank you for your insightful comments, James. I think your example would make a terrific case study. The politics of allocating and deciding on development projects certainly seems to be changing with huge increases in SIP funding to provinces, districts and LLGs as your example helps to illustrate. I would be interested to know if Ward Councillors feel more or less empowered with the separate election of LLG Presidents in 2013. My guess would be less, since the LLG Assembly can no longer dismiss the President through a vote of no confidence. Therefore LLG Presidents may feel less accountable to Wards and WDCs in spending LLGSIP. If this is the case, it seems that current expenditure policies have the potential to undermine the OLPGLLG. Perhaps the situation is playing out differently in other districts and LLGs. I think further case study research would be very useful to better understand the situation on the ground.

Just for the record: by the mid 1990s many of us in PNG at that time were wearing 'black on Thusdays' In addition, legislation prohibited village courts from dealing with sexual violence/rape/VAW etc, but was widely abused as instead, many women's families sought compensation for the assault so that the woman was left without redress. By the sound of Sarah's case, it appears the situation has gone backwards since then.

Congratulations on a discussion which hits a key issue in the future of PNG. in the areas I know DSIP and its control has led to almost total collapse of the system of Ward Development Committees and Local-level Governments. The sections which should be relevant in the OLPGLLG and the LLG Administration Act have ceased to have any real meaning. The Ward Committees see little point in preparing Ward Development Plans which are never considered by a LLG which hardly ever meets. 1/19 Ward Development Committees has prepared a plan - in 2010 and which has never been considered by the LLG. The LLG has met once or twice since the August 2013 General LLG Election. the second meeting has been disputed - whether it ever happened - or it was a few Members chosen to support a budget? - no one could give copy of the budget or minutes of the meeting - or agenda. . The LLG has not appointed the required women members. The LLG President - who is related to the Provincial Governor's third wife has been in the Provincial Capital since the last meeting. A relative said that he has been given such extensive work by the Provincial Governor that he has never had time to return to the LLG area - but could not tell me what the work is. The now Provincial Governor when standing for election had brought a sledge hammer to the LLG Council Chamber - and demolished the outside walls. This was his promise to build a new Council chamber when elected - and a better and more effective Council to be a voice of the people. The LLG Council Chamber remains as before - with its fractured wall. The Open MP when standing for Election went round the villages stating that eh was going to introduce a haus man system where each village could debate its future. I visited a village which had then built a haus man - but the Open MP has never returned to the LLG area. The Open MP nominates three members of the JDPBPC. This allows him with his casting vote and the support of his nominees to outvote the LLG Presidents. the media and public are not admitted to meetings. The Open MP has held meetings of the JDPBC in Port Moresby. No one in the LLG area had any knowledge of a District Plan, approval of an LLG budget, or the content of such meetings. Bottom-up governance has for this electorate and LLG area disappeared. The LLG Councillors and the Ward Development Committee members are totally frustrated. However, they have no copies of the OLPGLLG or the LLG Administration Act - and do not know what they can do to address the situation. The Station used to have an electrical supply and piped water. These have disappeared. The LLG area used to have road access and a road system around the LLG area. this has totally disappeared. Dead tractors and road graders are scattered around the side of the previous road system.

Thank you both for the positive feedback. Tess, to answer your question - There's clearly concern among traditional donors that their ability to influence Pacific island government policy will decline as a result of Chinese assistance (and, traditional donors would view that as adversely affecting aid effectiveness - an assessment with which I agree, to some extent). Traditional donors are responding, although the changes are still fairly minor. There is greater effort on the part of traditional donors to 'bring China in' to donor coordination and aid effectiveness mechanisms. We see that at the global level at events like Busan, and in our region with efforts to include China in donor coordination roundtables at the country level, and with initiatives such as the MOU between Australia and China which has led to medical research in PNG (I believe Philippa has written about this initiative). The case of the trilateral cooperation project in Cook Islands is an excellent example of how Pacific island governments can use this willingness to engage to their advantage. Some people have argued that traditional donors are paying more attention to the Pacific as a result of increasing levels of Chinese assistance. I'm a bit more sceptical. We’ve certainly seen a lot of announcements to that effect, but they are not necessarily matched by action on the ground.