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How and when can we apply for this?

Scott Waide and others have good reason to be concerned if PNG’s draft media act will replace media self-regulation with government regulation. Fiji underwent the same process in June 2010 and our analysis of the Fiji Media Act that we launched earlier this month, is indicative of the disaster that it was for media rights in Fiji, with potential lessons for PNG. The report published by Dialogue Fiji was co-authored by Nilesh Lal, with a section by the deputy chief in the Arizona attorney general’s office Dan Barr. The report can be found here: https://www.dialoguefiji.org/publications-1

My sincere thanks to Scott Waide for writing this piece. It is valuable that a respected journalist in Papua New Guinea is explaining this issue and bringing it to the attention of a wide audience. My thanks to the editors of the Devpolicy blog for publishing this timely piece. I acknowledge that the department secretary, Mr Steven Matainaho, has written a response. The secretary writes that the department is “completely open to open dialogue”. I feel it is imperative to state that the short consultation period is one of the causes of alarm for some, including me. It does not give the impression that the department is open to engagement regarding this draft policy. The initial press statement was dated 6 February and indicated that submissions would close on 17 February. As I said to journalist Salome Vincent for her story at the following link, this initial eleven-day-long consultation period made me wonder if the desire for consultation was genuine: https://www.looppng.com/png-news/media-central-functioning-democracy-117704 As I understand it, in response to a request from the Media Council of PNG, the minister has extended the consultation period. However, it has only been extended by another week. I must admit that I was surprised by the short length of the extension. There are a number of issues and proposed strategies in the draft policy. Even with the extra week, it seems to me to be a short consultation period. For those unfamiliar with the Papua New Guinea media sector, I describe it in a book chapter at the following link: https://press.anu.edu.au/publications/series/pacific/papua-new-guinea-government-economy-society Pages 227-230 of chapter 8 describe the media landscape, while there’s a section on media freedom in Papua New Guinea on pages 231-234. Amanda

I find it very sad that various media outlets are misconstruing the intent of the Draft National Media Development Policy (draft Policy). The draft Policy in its current version, has NO intent and does not indicate in any shape or form that powers will be given to the Government to control the media. The draft Policy indicates NO intent to infringe on the constitutional rights of freedom of expression. The draft Policy instead intends to inform for a legislative framework to strengthen the work of the PNG Media Council. The draft Policy will enable for structural and budget reforms necessary to fund development programs to the PNG Media Council and Universities to train journalist, media specialists, etc... The draft Policy will enable the PNG Media Council to effectively promote the professions within the Media Industry. There are many things the draft Policy will unlock including ensuring improved conditions surrounding the media profession. Most importantly, we must ensure that through solid policy and legislation, the PNG Media Council will continue to operate independently of Government as is the case with many other professions such as the law profession (PNG Law Society), Medical Profession, and Engineering Profession (institute of engineers). All these other professions have government policy and law to govern their profession in a manner that is free from 'Government Control'. The Department of ICT has taken note of concerns of the Community Coalition of Corruption through its press statement dated 16th February 2023 particularly of certain functions proposed to be established in the Department of ICT and we will ensure the next draft released addresses the concern. This is the kind of feedback we must hear and we are completely open to open dialogue. The draft National Media Development Policy is currently in draft and has been released for consultation on the <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pngdict” rel="nofollow ugc">PNG Department of Information and Communications Technology</a> website. Steven Matainaho Secretary (Head of Department) Office of the Secretary | PNG Department of Information and Communications Technology

Thanks Terence. Very thoughtful and comprehensive. I have also read the other comments with great interest. I guess evaluating performance of NGOs in an objective and unbiased way is very difficult. On the other hand, institutional donor market is often very concerned about reaching SDGs in a way that is scalable. Hence, we are seeing the emergence and growth of approaches like inclusive market systems development that facilitate important market actors such as the government and the private sector in achieving inclusive economic growth. One thing to add in this discussion is the role of the private sector, especially in a fragile war-torn context with very thin markets. Instead of distributing direct aid, NGOs and contractor alike work with the informal private sector (e.g. intermediaries such as shop owners or local service providers) to establish pro-poor businesses. Direct deliveries like the start-up fund and training towards these entrepreneurs could be considered the social investment, while the effort and energy contributed by the entrepreneurs can help establish local solutions to development problems that create incentives for the change to continue. Perhaps, it's high time NGOs stopped "sponsoring the change" by overtaking the current system and rather put all the weight (except emergency response) to create sustainable incentives within the system to make change attractive.

Is it morally wrong to donate to NGOs? In relation to Papua New Guinea, I would argue it would be morally wrong not to direct more funds through local competent NGOs. This is because these types of entities tend to best represent the wishes of people at the grass roots level where they have contacts, lived experience and influence to make a lasting impact. However, under the current system it is the structures of command and control that determine outcomes. This is a bit like an inverted pyramid with those with lived experience occupying the lower levels in small numbers where too often they watch an intervention fail without the authority to influence a possible solution. To this add the churn of internationals in large NGOs who rarely develop a deep well of in country knowledge or experience. No sooner has the most recent country manager learned “which way is up” their term expires, a new face appears and the merry go round continues. When PNG citizens do take the helm, they more often than not remain at the beck and call of a governing body in some offshore location with little freedom to improvise or depart from the given hymn sheet. In my view development assistance is very much a two-tiered system with coordination and financial control heavily vested with entities that operate from Port Moresby while often a few PNG citizens on the ground have to achieve the desired results. For anyone seeking to understand issues facing communities, Port Moresby is the last place they need to be. The long run output from the present structures is that those who should wield the most influence over outcomes often have little or no influence on program delivery, while those with limited appreciation of the actual issues, wield the most power. Add the often decried, call it what you will, nonalignment of world views between these two settings and you have another failed intervention in the making. And when the inevitable happens it is not the international NGO that takes it on the chin. There is always a force majeure that prevented the program from succeeding. I suggest we get far more serious about the role of local CSO and NGO entities. While it is acknowledged their involvement must be accompanied by an appropriate level of due diligence, they should nonetheless be the target for development assistance. They draw their people from communities we wish to empower. They have the lived experience, local knowledge and understand the critical nuances, many hidden from outside view. Agreements that affect communities are more often than not reached through widespread face to face consultation and acknowledgment of customary authority. This essential stakeholder management skill is not within the ambit of international NGOs who place great sway by MOA that are often not worth the paper they are written on. So my vote is to reward international NGOs that deliver program results through local actors. They should be clearing houses for the distribution of funds to local entities that deliver sustainable results with measurable impact. It believe that until the volume of funds favours local actors and sets the distribution of resources pyramid back on its base we will continue to see little sustainability and poor results where it matters: on the ground. And this I suggest is moral incentive to support more local NGOs.

Bula Eashna, thank you for your comment. Applications for the ballot will be able to be lodged online with the Department of Home Affairs from July 2023. You can follow this page for more information: https://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/pacific/people-connections/people-connections-in-the-pacific/pacific-engagement-visa

Papua New Guineans from grassroots level to working-class and honest bureaucrats in the government rank and file, NGO must take a lead now (or never) must be told of the truth where our country is heading. Campaign/awareness whole through out Papua New Guinea, of course to be funded, so after five years, Papua New Guineans can choose freely, without fear or favor, potential, good and honest leaders so our minerals and resources can be managed properly to gain back our economy.

Thanks Paul, good comment. I only have one, very minor, pedantic, point of disagreement. Large NGOs aren't corporations per se. They may be large, have-multilayered management structures, and so on, but they are not-for-profit organisations, which is an important distinction from for-profit businesses. Thanks again Terence

Good to have this discussion, thanks, Terence.. clearly,one must avoid rhetorical positions and generalities... yes, big NGOs are corporations with characteristics and sometimes budgets of corporations or government agencies, but that does not make them all competent or incompetent, any more than community based organisations necessarily are altruistic and achieve positive outcomes at the community level... although they have a higher probability of doing so, with generally less risks of costly mismanagement.. There is a need to research and examine your NGO and CSOs, if considering providing support. Local NGOs and CSOs are usually harder to reach by contributors but more effective on the ground, but widely sidelined or squeezed out...the NGOs and CSOs certainly need support to be effective and accountable ( ticking off the various boxes), but doing such research in remote Melbourne, New York or London can be challenging, and requires some assistance...how do you know that NGO on the ground isnt just a scam or pyramidal money operator? Accessing reliable locally-based information sources are invaluable for those willing to make the effort

Yes, it really is a an odd misnomer that PNG is one of the most resource dependent economies in the world, when ( unlike say in Saudi Arabia et al) relatively few in PNG are directly or even indirectly employed or dependent upon these extractive industries. Yes, some are,largely in enclaves but also those supplying the mines through the supply chain, but most formal and informal employment, plus household livelihoods, comes from agriculture and related activities, which really provide PNG's backbone. If the revenue flow from the resource sector was solid and consistent, and public expenditure well targeted and much more accountable, the State could support the needs of rest of the economy and household welfare needs better, but the Dutch disease in various forms has been making a discretionary effect for a long time, but with govt policies so misguided and uncoordinated over the past decade or so the potential beneficial effects have been subsumed... rather than a Sovereign Wealth Fund, for example, to ameliorate negative resource sector impacts, we have a combination of costly debt and accumulating public funds concentrated in the same sector from which that revenue is sourced, rather than invested in diversification, or used to sanitise exchange rate pressure into the future... A major factor is that extractive resources are there, which provide opportunities and temptation and lure the wrong people into politics.. self-serving rather than serving people. But another factor is a relative weak and ill-informed civil society, which is perhaps surprisingly respectful or submissive to leadership. This isnt really so surprising, as there is a commendable respect for traditional leadership, but now also because so much of public funds and appointments have been coveted by political leaders, including under remarkable discretionary constituency gra tks, that people gain opportunities not from merit but from allegiance..

PAPUA NEW GUINEANS ARE RUNNING OUT OF MONEY .SO WHAT WILL NEXT.? IF THRE ANY ANSWERS PLEASE TELL US.