Comments

In light of the crisis that Fiji is currently going through, it is evident that we will not be able to achieve the SDG goals in the year 2030. As such fiscal policy tools are most resorted to in order to tackle poverty and inequalities. As mentioned above that we are in dire need of reforms, would you be able to suggest some reforms that are much needed, monetary or fiscal?

I support your point. There's more about PNG.

I believe the PNG authorities tried to imitate the setting Hong Kong has. The Hong Kong dollar has been pegged to a narrow trading band, which currently ranges from HK$7.7500 and HK$7.7600 per USD.3 If, and when, the HKD hits either the upper or lower bound, the HKMA, which acts as the de facto central bank, intervenes to stabilize the currency. The catch is Hong Kong is the 9th most traded currency pair traded globally and The HKMA has about $450 billion+ USD in foreign reserves to thwart any attempts to have it desaligned. PNG on the other hand cannot support this artificially set rate causing much mismatch in the FX market

I concur with Dr Lea. A small market means concentrated excess demand inflation in Port Moresby and Lae is forever high, an inflation induced from the outside due to excess capacity and less efficiency. A result of an incontrollable market. An expansion of the market is necessary but ideally the government of PNG has been listening to old worn out economic ideas that barely works for PNG.

Thank you both for an excellent and stimulating blog that reflects on a powerful dynamic in society. Writing about Indonesian education over a decade ago, I commented on a similar dynamic that remains largely under-utilised. There, much unrecognised development occurs through the multiplicity of networks and communities of practice in the education sector. Indonesia seems to be particularly adept at establishing and working through informal networks reflecting its characteristic group-focused, collectivist culture. This is a messier, localised, unpredictable, opportunistic, and flexible approach to change compared to the formal approaches often adopted in development assistance programs which are planned, managed, predictable, monitored, reported on, and bound to a rigid logframe, as you observe in your work. Thanks again!

Hi Janet, Thank you for your comment. As someone who's been out of Australia for the pandemic, it's great to hear your take on the social vibe and mutual support over the last year. I agree, that it will be very interesting to see if there is an effect on donations. As you say it will be very hard to isolate any 'trust effect', however, from other factors pulling in the other direction, such as higher unemployment & lower incomes. Still, when the donation data come out will be interesting to see what they have to say. Thanks again. Terence

As some election campaigns become increasingly aggressive and divisive, we have noticed a shrinking appetite of political parties to sign common codes of conduct as ways to reduce violence and encourage ethical behaviour during election campaigns. We should also recognize that women are also among perpetrators of violence against women in politics. In this context, initiatives such as women candidates and supporters pledging to not engage in violence and multiparty women's coalitions advocating for free-from-violence elections, have the potential of raising awareness that political competition can take place in a less harmful environment.

Indeed, physical violence is the most visible, and verbal, psychological, and symbolic violence (such as making women candidates "invisible") often go unnoticed. As some media outlets use Facebook as their main, or one of their main dissemination channels, it would be interesting if students or researchers assessed online violence against women politicians in the Pacific Islands. As an example, I'm linking a study from Georgia, which analyses the nature, extent, and perpetrators of violence against women politicians on Facebook. https://crrc.ge/uploads/tinymce/documents/Completed-projects/NDI_FACEBOOK_REPORT_23March2021_ENG.pdf

Hi Terence, When I read your blog I, like Ashlee, immediately thought that NGOs have been out of the (bad) news recently so I think that, along with the broader trend you mention, may account for why trust has risen. And I think that there has been a positive social vibe about mutual support, etc, over the last year during covid, so perhaps that just has a little effect too. What will be interesting is to see what difference (if any) it makes to donations. Probably too many other factors working in the opposite direction to see any shift, but we'll see in due course!

Australia is somewhat cagey when it comes to new Pacific projects (e.g., labour mobility scheme), perhaps due to the region's governance challenges, etc.. The Pacific is at times viewed as an aid-reliant basket case, but what is often overlooked is that collectively, the Pacific has been, for a good while, a fairly reliable/important market for Australia, both as a goods and services destination, and as skilled/unskilled manpower source. Like any market, the Pacific needs an infusion of new ideas every now and then to revive/reinvigorate it out of stagnancy/decline. The DFI could be one such stimilus, especially when it has been tried by most western countries, and reccommended by some qualified experts. It seems Australia prefers to dip its toes in the water with the EFA first, but at least that's a start, even if it's primarily geared to benefit Australian businesses. Given the geopolitical realities, all options/strategies to strengthen all manner of ties should be on the table, including EPA.

Did we ever stop to think how Nahau Rhooney won her election during the time when our elders and big mans were still alive and PNG was in transition, from traditional to modern society. Pasin kastam stap strong yet na Nahau win. Again, what happened? I do not think the argument about PNG being patrilineal should be a challenge now, today.

Hi Dairi, Thank you very much for the update. Kind regards Terence